Western leaders who believe in state sovereignty and secure borders and who have the strength and courage to fight for this, are few and far between. On this, Australia has been extremely fortunate; we have had two such leaders, John Howard and Tony Abbott.
Abbott’s 2013 election announcement that he would turn back the boats was greeted with disbelief, outrage and ridicule by an alliance of Labor, Greens, LINOs ( Liberals In Name Only) and the commentariat.
‘Not possible’, they chanted in unison. ‘But if he succeeds, the Indonesians won’t put up with that and if he pushes it, it’ll mean war.’
Wrong. Abbott’s policy worked and worked perfectly.
President Trump is another such leader.
But unlike Abbott, he has been blocked in his attempts to secure the southern border.
The reason is constitutional.
Since Shorten and most republican politicians are also globalists wanting to give up our sovereignty, they should be looking at why Trump is having difficulty in securing US borders rather than wasting time and taxpayers’ money on yet another politicians’ republic which will be certain to fail again .
To achieve change, Shorten will have to provide strong evidence in a referendum that this is, as the founders put it, ‘desirable, irresistible and inevitable’.
And the founders have been proven right. The people are rarely satisfied.
In providing such evidence Shorten shouldn’t be attempting, by the sleight of hand of two trick plebiscites, to impose on Australians another sinister and dangerous politicians’ republic. Nor should he base it on the easily proven lie that we don’t already have an Australian as head of state.
He should be examining the world’s most successful and oldest republics, particularly the US and Switzerland, to learn from them, just as our great founders did in designing our constitution.
As Shorten and his allies want future governments to find it difficult to secure our borders, why isn’t he looking at this aspect of the US constitution? This could, with ingenuity, be reconciled with what John Howard and Tony Abbott call our ‘crowned republic’, just as the founders did with those republican imports, the Senate, federalism and the referendum.
The reason why Trump is having such difficulty in securing the borders is because his opposition has taken advantage of the American version of the separation of powers. Subsequently identified by Montesquieu, this first evolved in England during the Glorious Revolution. The American version was adopted before the Westminster system emerged in Britain, and involves a separation not only of the judicial power from the others but a strong separation of the executive power from the legislative.
This explains why a president – as successful as Donald Trump has been in achieving his agenda – has not been able to get the money for a wall even in the two years of his administration when the Republicans enjoyed a majority in both houses.
In Australia most legislation is introduced by the government. There are very few private member’s bills and most of these lapse. In the United States, the president does not control the legislative agenda. Instead, representatives and senators play major and often independent roles in making legislation.
They are not like their Australia counterparts, robots who ‘debate’ mainly government bills and almost always speak and vote as dictated by the party.
We have taken the Westminster system from Britain and in recent years reduced it to an embarrassing parody, best demonstrated by the charade at question time. The result is that most Australian politicians, even those not in the ministry, seem unable to speak against the party line even when they disagree with it, thus enhancing the impression among the public that they are not honest. The situation is exacerbated by the ridiculous size of most front benches, with the Morrison government having 42 in the ministry and with only eight on the back bench who are not chairs of parliamentary committees. That those eight include that leader of world-wide renown, Tony Abbott, tells you that something is seriously wrong.
It’s not the Australian Crown, it’s the Australian parliament that is calling out for reform, Mr Shorten.
As to Trump, not only does he lack the power of any run-of-the mill Australian prime minister over the legislative agenda, he was grossly betrayed by the RINOs, the Republican in Name Only politicians. To understand this, we need to recall that he won the nomination against the wishes of the establishment.
This included conservatives, with the leading monthly, National Review, releasing the infamous ‘Against Trump’ issue in early 2016, filled with almost two dozen hostile essays from leading conservative thinkers.
Even when he was elected, Republican politicians foolishly swallowed the line concocted by the Clinton campaign and pushed by corrupt elements within the Department of Justice and the FBI, without a skerrick of evidence, that Trump had colluded with the Russians. They agreed with the Democrats and the mainstream media that he would not last long so they did little to support his agenda.
These RINOs were proven wrong.
And unsurprisingly, Trump became increasingly frustrated over the wall, one of his key campaign promises. So when the massive 2018 $1.3 trillion omnibus spending bill made no provision for it, Trump let it be known he was considering vetoing the bill. This was despite the fact it would have provided substantial funding to restore defence spending to pre-Obama levels.
According to Trump, Speaker Paul Ryan then pleaded with him to sign the bill telling him ‘in the strongest of terms that if he signed it he would get the wall’. Trump accepted this assurance, but Ryan failed to deliver and did not stand for re-election.
As the Democrats are unwilling to compromise, Presidnt Trump will probably have to declare a national emergency, which will be blocked by some politician posing as a judge until the matter is resolved in the Supreme Court where Trump has had such success in appointing real judges.
With his proven tenacity, there’s little doubt that Donald Trump will build that wall.
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