Terror threats from Islamist and far-right terrorists are depressingly familiar to Brits, but other faiths are not immune from the plague of extremists who might seek to harm others. A recent report by Colin Bloom, the government’s faith engagement advisor, touched on lesser-known ideologies like ‘Buddhist nationalism’ and ‘Hindu nationalism’. It also raised concerns about ‘Sikh extremism’. But how much of a problem is this particular form of radicalism in Britain?

‘Small pockets of Sikh communities’ in Britain are involved with ‘subversive, sectarian and discriminatory activities,’ according to the report. The numbers here are small. According to the 2021 census, there are 524,000 Sikhs in England and Wales, which equates to just under 1 per cent of the population. British Sikhs are overrepresented in academia, have high rates of employment, home ownership, and are underrepresented in the criminal justice system. By most measurements, Sikhs are a model of successful integration in Britain. But that’s not to say there aren’t concerns about pro-Khalistan extremism (PKE) among a very small minority of my fellow Sikhs.

The Khalistani movement seeks to carve out an independent Sikh homeland in Punjab, India, known as Khalistan. It stems largely from the anti-Sikh genocide of 1984, when the Indian army stormed the Golden Temple during ‘Operation Blue Star’. ‘Militants’ were neutralised. Thousands were murdered in cold blood, including many innocent pilgrims. In an act of revenge, Indira Gandhi, India’s then prime minister, was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards, triggering state sponsored anti-Sikh pogroms in Delhi (and across India), led by Congress party politicians. There’s been little justice for the victims.

The Khalistani movement seeks to carve out an independent Sikh homeland in Punjab

The Khalistani insurgency against India, born from Blue Star, was crushed by the mid-1990s. But calls for the establishment of Khalistan remain – including amongst Sikh diasporas – particularly in the UK and Canada. They have also been revived in India by the preacher Amritpal Singh.

Some ‘Sikh extremist’ groups are, according to Bloom’s report, using places of worship to attempt to generate funding. One troubled respondent quoted in the review said that ‘some Sikh organisations (are) openly glorifying hate and terror…they are posing (a) threat and putting our freedom under risk’.

Much of this anger is directed at India – but there is also bullying and intimidation within the British Sikh community itself. I’ve experienced this bully boy behaviour first hand: at a meeting in parliament a few years ago, a member of one group told me that he’d seen me outside my house, which I took to be a menacing warning. Sikhs have even had their turbans knocked off by fellow Sikhs. One public servant said they ‘live(d) in fear’ of a backlash if they…challenged activist ideology.

Bloom’s review also mentions ‘sectarian or discriminatory behaviour’, which isn’t necessarily PKE linked: some of this is ‘anti-Muslim’, while some relates to Sikh wedding (Anand Karaj) ceremonies where there’s an interfaith couple.

One of the most troubling incidents in Britain occurred more than a decade ago: the failed assassination attempt of a retired Indian Lieutenant-General in London in 2012 resulted in the imprisonment of a number of Sikhs. Kuldeep Singh Brar, who was 78 at the time of the attack, was targeted in revenge for his role in the 1984 military offensive against Sikh separatists.

There have been repeated efforts to crack down on Sikh extremism. Babbar Khalsa, that aims to establish an independent Khalistan within the Punjab region of India, was proscribed in March 2001. Troubling, there is some suggestion of an ‘overlap’ between existing UK Sikh groups and proscribed, or previously proscribed, groups. Due to numerous aliases and complicated organisational structures, such allegations can be very hard to prove. But hopefully Bloom’s review should serve as a wake-up call.