Features Australia

Our unique opportunity

21 September 2019

9:00 AM

21 September 2019

9:00 AM

Australia, more than any other, is a child of the two great English-speaking nations. They have for two centuries successively served as the world’s dominant power, the most benign and civilised ever known. Australians have never known a world where the dominant power has not been family.

The alternative has been and still is frightening. Yet there are those among our elites who welcome the ascendancy of the communist dictatorship in Beijing. They have been closely associated with disastrous policies which have seen a vast swathe of our assets put under the ultimate control of that regime, with the survival of our agriculture threatened and much of our manufacturing moved offshore. While pushing more taxpayer funds into education, they have presided over the decline of standards to below that of most of the countries to the north and even Kazakhstan. Meanwhile, most of these elites had strongly supported changing our Commonwealth into the most bizarre form of centralised politicians’ republic ever proposed in a democracy. But for the advent of Donald Trump, our future could well have been that of an impoverished and increasingly poorly-educated Beijing satellite.

In making America great again, Trump is thereby assuring our independence, not only as a proud member of the Western alliance but as the inheritor of Anglo-American values. His likely re-election is to be welcomed, as his original election was, by anyone with foresight. As to our dual parentage, the British had provided the foundations for the six self-governing and remarkably advanced colonies, but their initial attempt to encourage a union was repulsed by local politicians. Federation was left to a subsequent generation of leaders who were especially inspired by the American project. As Alfred Deakin put it, their objectives were best described in the specific and moving terms of the preamble of that ‘superb’ US Constitution. The result of their travails, with the direct involvement of the people, was a Commonwealth, a crowned republic, straddling what the Founders believed to be the best aspects of Anglo-American experience but with a crucial Swiss- influenced addition, elements of direct democracy. Founder and South Australian Prime Minister Charles Kingston was talked out of even more direct democracy by Deakin arguing that responsible government under the Westminster system in this representative democracy would assure the people’s control. Little did Deakin realise that the takeover of the soon-to-emerge two-party system by cabals of powerbrokers and lobbyists would neutralise our representative democracy just as the constitutional intention to establish a limited federal government would be trampled without the consent of or even the slightest consultation with the Australian people. Even then, how blessed are all Australians, old and new, that we remain a member of the family which constitutes the most politically-advanced sector within Western civilisation.

We are living today at a crucial time. Not only is America being made great again, the UK is on the verge of being liberated from the chains of the Berlin-Paris Socialist Axis. When, years ago, I introduced the study of EU law into an Australian law school, I soon realised that while the UK was meticulous in complying with EU law, many of her partners pleased themselves, even in applying decisions of the European Court. Then came the Euro, designed to pay for the absorption of East Germany and significantly lower prices for German exports. This imposed a heavy burden on Spain, Italy and Greece, especially in terms of youth employment, requiring that their governments be bought off with lavish grants. And while the UK was probably the largest net contributor, she was never admitted, as Ted Heath had planned and promised, into the ruling EU cockpit. This was always well and truly filled by the ample bodies of German chancellors and the French presidents. While the EU pretended it was the reason why Europe was at peace, this and German defence, had been achieved by the US and the UK.

When the British people rightly decided enough was enough and that de Gaulle had been right when he declared that Britain’s historic vocation was always with the wide world and not the continent, the EU invented the myth of the need for the so-called ‘Irish backstop.’ This was no more than a transparent attempt to prevent Brexit by threatening a dissolution of the UK. But IRA terrorism ended not because of the EU but only when the Americans realised after 9/11 that they could hardly object to terrorism on their territory when they were giving de facto recognition to the IRA, allowing it to be funded substantially from the US.

While institutions are important,  so is that rare and crucial ingredient, great leadership. Boris Johnson could now prove to be as great for the UK as Donald Trump has been for the US and the world. It is not surprising that this has encouraged activist British judges to emulate their American equivalents. It is elementary that the prorogation or suspension of Parliament is not, and has never been, ‘justiciable,’ that is, never a matter for Her Majesty’s judges. Protection against abuse is left to the Queen in the exercise of her reserve powers, not activist judges.

When he achieves Brexit, Johnson should follow President Trump’s low-taxation, deregulatory policies, and abandon the Paris agreement which, even if it were observed universally, would never make the slightest difference to the climate. He would thus ensure the UK is a far more desirable place for investment than any part of the EU. With closer economic and political cooperation within the Anglosphere (including, on any objective measure, Israel) and the Commonwealth, freedom and liberty will still prevail, at least in this century. The problem for Australia will be whether our elites will abandon the foolish cultural Marxist dogma which has engulfed us, and seize the extraordinary opportunity that Donald Trump and Brexit offer.

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