The deeper you look at how our civilisation has evolved since the Enlightenment, the brighter the deception shines. The first of these is that we live in a democratic state. Ostensibly, though not stated as such in Australia, a state by the people for the people. Across the Anglosphere, and Australia in particular, this is clearly a lie. Our so-called ‘democracies’ are systems of beg, vote and pray; then accept what you’re given. We get to vote periodically, and that is the extent of our democratic power. Up until recently we got to choose between one party that was openly hostile to the historic majority population, and an alternative too cowardly to meaningfully oppose them.

The institution of racial chambers and authorities by the Anglo left in Victoria and South Australia, against the express wishes of the 60 per cent of Australians who voted against it in the Voice referendum is enough to dispel that canard. But the list can extend outwards dramatically. Mass migration, multiculturalism, child gender-transitioning, forced national disarmament, cult-like devotion to reducing our CO2 emissions, despite the economic irrelevance of it, or spirit-crushing taxes. Regardless of your view on any of these issues, you can be sure that we have been given no say in any of them.

The second great deception of the post-Enlightenment West is that government is secular and without a faith. This, too, is a lie. Their religion is the thin GDP faith of which multiculturalism and mass migration are core sacraments. And before you read this as florid language, trust me, I mean it very literally. Once you see it, you can’t unsee it. Why should anybody do the hard work required to build enterprise and grow an economy industriously, when all their faith requires is GDP growth? Nothing more. Why else would you continue to import people from countries where hostility towards Jews is rife within their societies while the nation is in the throes of an antisemitism crisis?

Once you understand the managerial classes clearly, the disintegration of British and European societies begins to make sense. At first, it appears as if the managerial classes are just middle-class people who aren’t very smart and hate the working classes. But then you realise you’re crediting them with far too much agency. Secular liberalism is the last of the twentieth-century utopian fantasies, and by now we can all see that the managerial classes exercise a level of religious zeal reminiscent of the proponents of communism and fascism before them.

The increasingly hostile posture toward Christianity begins to make sense once secular liberalism is understood not as neutral governance, but as a competing moral order. The implementation of ‘buffer zones’ around abortion clinics in the UK and parts of Australia and Canada has led to the arrest and prosecution of individuals for silent prayer and offering leaflets, ostensibly for harassment. Moreover, some Christian adoption agencies in the UK have been forced to close or alter their practices because their religious mandate prevented them from placing children with same-sex couples. There is also a larger story here. The story of how a faith focussed on moral order that fought the Crusades and defended kingdoms became a pacifist house-trained belief system.

The very term ‘multiculturalism’ applies to every faith except that of secular liberalism, which is expected to be everyone’s faith. Diversity is only our strength if you agree with the GDP faith of the managerial elites. Once you see it, you can’t unsee it.

While Pauline Hanson herself is a secular person, she is no utopian. The coming rupture to the political order threatened by One Nation’s popularity will likely be the closest Australia has been to a government representative of the aspirations of its people in my lifetime. As such, it is our best opportunity to ensure that the managerial classes can never grasp us by the throat again.

More than anything else, we must take their ‘toys’ away from them: the policy initiatives they’ve used to assault us at a civilisational level. They’ve shown clearly that they cannot be trusted. Pauline says she wants immigration set at 130,000 per annum. A figure broadly equivalent to Australia’s total net overseas migration in each month since the Bondi massacre. Fine, make sure that any temporary increase requires a mandatory referendum. The Arabian Gulf states have already shown the world what is possible via worker visas with zero pathways to citizenship. A situation, I might add, that I once worked as part of.

We must make sure that we, the people, can intervene in our polity through petitions, citizen policy initiatives, the power to initiate recall elections against any parliamentarian, and place any sensitive policy areas safely behind a referenda firewall. Like the British, the Canadians and much of Europe, we are increasingly placed at a crossroads within our societies.

Either we muscle up to the managerial elites and their GDP faith, or we forever lose the nations built through centuries of civilisational evolution. Becoming just another morass of competing, compartmentalised communities with no central core except the mandatory belief system of secular liberalism.