The Haitian government declared a state of emergency Sunday evening, following two prison breaks, as major gang leader Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier seeks to oust prime minister Ariel Henry.

“Barbecue” — a nickname that originates either from having set people on fire, his mother having worked as a fried chicken vendor or both  — is a former cop who is now the head of the Revolutionary Forces of the G9 Family and Allies.

The group is not only behind the prison breaks, which a United Nations source says resulted in 3,500 prisoners having escaped Haiti’s National Penitentiary in Port-au-Prince, but it has also been linked to former president Jovenel Moïse (who was murdered in 2021) and his Haitian Tèt Kale Party, for whom the G9 is alleged to have acted as its informal police force.

The G9 is not a conventional gang; it is the mother of gangs in Port-au-Prince. It was founded in 2020 as a federation combining nine gangs. The group’s revenue has relied on extortion practices. These, though, have evolved beyond demanding payments from local businesses to taking over public services like water and electricity.

With the powers once facilitated by the Moïse regime, Barbecue and his confederation of gangs grew in influence. Following the leader’s killing, the gang saw not only trouble ahead — after losing a friend in the national palace — but also an opening for more direct leadership. Barbecue emerged as a leader, railing against opposition politicians and police officers who he accused of having acted in conjunction with imperialistic actors, colluding with the “stinking bourgeoisie” to “sacrifice” the former president.

“We have chosen to take our destiny in our own hands. The battle we are waging will not only topple Henry’s government. It is a battle that will change the whole system,” said Barbecue in a statement reported by local media.

Barbecue’s group has successfully carried out prison breaks, airport and government office seizures — and much more. In part, the fact that the Ariel government has refused to organize elections, which could quell some of the revolutionary sentiment, has helped the G9. The popular will is not behind the prime minister — and even if that doesn’t mean that all Haitians love the G9, it has granted them some advantages, i.e., a less sizable opposition.

The situation has evolved so rapidly that the whereabouts of Henry are currently unknown. Many fear that the situation on the ground renders a coup d’état a foregone conclusion. Three days ago, Henry signed a bilateral accord in Kenya to pave the way for a possible multinational force to help restore security in Haiti. Yet now, both gangs and prudent officials are warning the prime minister against heading back to the presidential palace.

Haiti is at war. If the current regime is to stay in place, it will have to battle the powerful gangs with full force, considering that as of now, they appear to be winning. Whether Barbecue ends up on the throne or not, it’s clear is that the prospects of Haitian democracy are only getting dimmer. Even more so, for American policymakers, escalating conflict in Haiti yields potential challenges at home, as welcoming yet another wave of refugees would definitely elicit internal opposition, during this very immigration-focused presidential election.

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